The secret is the refuge of the weak. That adds to the secrecy of the movements of the ruling party and the opposition. Mauricio Macri sets the stage for ads that he trusts will change his destiny. The federal Peronists lacran the acid debate between Roberto Lavagna and Sergio Massa, which erupted on a grill in Palermo and that can blow up the attempt of the governors to intercept the force of Cristinismo as the main opponent of Cambiemos. The weakness of this minority club, which is the Creole policy, adds other risk factors. The president had to face three attempts of resignation of the virtual minister of Labor in ten days. He knows that the conflict with the trade union world was in the entanglements that led to the cataclysm of previous governments. Also, the last thing you need in these hours is a Cabinet crisis. Macri was made in the administration, as a ruler who does not make name changes easily. His apprenticeship, after twelve years of prosperity – head of government of the CABA, president -, now imposes the task of governing in a crisis of prestige and liquidity that are like laughter and crying, the two materials that form its song (and that of every politician). The slights of that corporation attack these two fronts. The rebuff of the union leaders who spoke with Dante Sica before sending the money laundering project to the Senate fills the relationship. They left paying to the Government, and its defender in the Peronism that is Miguel Pichetto. They say now that a debate on that reform in the middle of an election campaign is unfeasible. They also declare themselves dissatisfied with the decree for the release of funds for social projects, which in their view is only the beginning of a long process, which will serve the Government to regulate, in its benefit, the relationship until the elections. The boys are charged the blow that was the departure of Jorge Triaca, that Macri precipitated to punish them with the departure of a friendly minister. Painful decision, because Triaca was one of the brains of the best Macri, the one who governed until 2017. Another episode in that hard learning that ends only when you’re gone.
Last attempt at union peace, in a hurry and with more secrecy
Also secretly, Sica tried on Thursday morning to make peace with a visit to the UPCN headquarters, before a public appearance of all in the ILO ceremony at the Usina del Arte, which could end in a brawl. The hosts – Héctor Daer, Gerardo Martínez, Andrés Rodríguez, Armando Cavalieri – complained that they want to change the labor contract law, dinamizing the system of fines for companies that deny employment. But it angers them more than they traded with the senators, changing the integration of the Labor Commission to have a quorum and show the IMF a political agreement in the Senate that reinforced the weakness of the ruling party in that area. The gremialistas wait a second round on Tuesday in the Senate, but want to see before the fine print of a project on whose luck nobody gives much. Nor will they give anything to the Government in the hours before the campaign announcements on Wednesday. And less a political signal that brings oxygen.
A classic dilemma: governability conspires with management, and vice versa
The climate of the campaign imposes the interests of governance over management. The public servant receives his salary to manage, but with the previous condition of having assured his governance, present and future. The fight for governability drives the protagonists crazy as the passage of time until the elections weakens the spirits and lowers the defenses. Bosses are easy prey for gurus and snake charmers who capture their confidence and sell them fantasies with a short expiration term. The recipes that enter and leave the presidential area, for example, last less than 24 hours until the apex discards them to put in place new recommendations. The classic debate of the moment is whether the Salvation of the Government – that is, the reelection of Mauricio Macri – depends on efficient marketing, or if that foam, which is the proselytism of occasion, which is exhausted in tactics, vanishes before the force of a firm strategy. For now dominate in the President’s mood proselytizing recipes, the announcements of measures that bring him closer to turn in favor of the ruling party the chances of victory. Are they useful when there are just over two and a half months to write down the candidates for the PASO on August 11?